Incarceration for Supervision Violations Continues to Drop but Varies by State
Nationwide, incarceration for supervision violations dropped in 2020, and for many states, continued to do so in 2021. However, despite this decline—often due to changes made during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic—community supervision’s proportion of the prison system has remained relatively consistent from 2018 to 2021, with 44 percent of all state prison admissions in 2021 being people who violated the terms of their parole or probation sentences. On any given day, 1 in 4 people in state prison in 2021 were incarcerated because they violated the terms of their supervision.
For a system originally designed to offer social assistance and rehabilitation and keep people out of prison, these numbers provide a reality check that more progress is still needed.
The Council of State Government (CSG) Justice Center, in partnership with the Correctional Leaders Association and Arnold Ventures, began exploring the impact of community supervision on incarceration in 2018 by analyzing data from corrections departments in all 50 states. Since that time, the CSG Justice Center has released two reports, Confined and Costly (2019) and More Community Less Confinement (2021) on the impact of supervision violations on prison populations and the costs associated with it. The findings below build on the first two reports and include information from a third survey distributed in 2022.
Admissions and Prison Population for Supervision Violations in 2021
Admissions
Population
- Each admission for a supervision violation represents one person entering a correctional institution one time because of a violation of a condition of the terms of their supervision sentence.
- The population of people who violated supervision represents the number of individuals incarcerated at the end of the year. In 2018, 2019, and 2021, that day could be the end of the fiscal year or calendar year, because prior to the pandemic and after the height of the nationwide shutdown, there were not large seasonal variations in prison populations. For 2020, the CSG Justice Center asked states to use the population on December 30, 2020.
- Supervision violations are divided into two general types: (1) A technical violation, which typically occurs when someone fails to meet a supervision condition, usually in the form of missing appointments, not paying fines and fees, or failing drug tests; and (2) a new offense violation, which typically occurs when an individual has committed a new crime while serving their sentence in the community.
Key Findings
1. States pay a high price to incarcerate people for supervision violations.
In 2021, states collectively spent over $10 billion incarcerating people who violated the terms of their community supervision. More than $3 billion of that was spent on incarcerating people for committing technical violations rather than engaging in any further criminal activity. Remarkably, these figures underestimate the total cost spent across the nation because several states were not able to identify all the individuals in their prisons who were admitted for committing a violation while on community supervision.
It’s important to note that reductions in prison populations and recidivism may not necessarily translate into immediate savings or reinvestment opportunities due to fixed expenditures such as capital assets and staffing costs, which take time to adjust. However, over time, long-term expenditures related to staffing and decisions to close unnecessary units can increase the amount of savings for each state.
2. Over time, prison admissions and populations from community supervision have decreased.
From 2018 to 2021, the number of prison admissions from community supervision decreased by one-third across the country. Most of those reductions occurred in the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic, but admissions from community supervision nationwide remained at the 2020 level in 2021. In fact, 10 states reduced these admissions by 50 percent or more.
Percentage of Reductions in Prison Admissions for Supervision Violations by State
No change or increase
Decrease 30% or less
Decrease 30-50%
Decrease over 50%
From 2018 to 2021, the number of people incarcerated from community supervision decreased by 28 percent across the U.S., with reductions in all but 2 states—Montana, which had an increase, and Iowa, which had no change. Nine states reduced the number of people incarcerated from community supervision by more than 40 percent.
Percentage of Reductions in People Incarcerated from Community Supervision by State
Increase
No change or decrease less than 20%
Decrease 20-40%
Decrease over 40%
3. There are a variety of factors that contributed to this decline in prison admissions and the numbers of people in prison for supervision violations.
For one, research shows that overall criminal activity went down during the height of the pandemic, except for homicide and intimate partner violence.1 While this data is not exclusive to the community supervision population, it can explain some of the decline in supervision violations. Additional factors include fewer people on probation and parole, changes in behavior by both the supervision officers and their clients, and backlogs in the courts during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic.
Below are more details about the community supervision system between 2018-2021.
Number of people on supervision
The size of the probation and parole populations determine who is at risk for incarceration for a violation. The probation population decreased 16 percent (from 3,539,950 people to 2,963,020) and the parole population decreased by 9 percent (from 877,953 people to 803,222) from 2018 to 2021.
Supervision conditions and intensity
There is a great deal of research demonstrating that clients who are supervised more intensively are more likely to fail, and that reducing supervision conditions and in-person contact improves success rates.2 Starting in 2020, many states changed their supervision practices to eliminate or temporarily suspend intensive conditions and in-person contacts.3
Supervision officer responses to violations
Due to in-person precautions and changes in policies, many supervision officers reported a change in their normal activities and responses to violations during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic,4 reducing the use of incarceration as a response to lower-level violations.5
Court responses to violations
Due to court closures and other operational challenges caused by the pandemic, there were larger court backlogs during the first year of the pandemic and beyond.6 Additionally many prosecutors took steps to reduce jail and prison admissions by prioritizing serious violent offenses over other cases.7
4. However, despite this decline, community supervision continues to be a large driver of prison populations.
In 2021 alone, there were more than 178,000 admissions to prison from people on community supervision across the U.S., with over 93,000 admissions stemming from technical violations. While this is a lower number of people than in previous years, the proportion of admissions due to supervision violations has remained relatively constant (between 42 and 44 percent). Similarly, although the number of people behind bars due to supervision violations has been reduced, the proportion of the population that is made up of people from community supervision has remained relatively constant (fluctuating between 27 and 25 percent of the total population).
Change in Admissions and Prison Population for Supervision Violations from 2018 to 2021
Admissions
Population
5. States that experienced larger decreases in prison populations due to supervision violations also experienced larger declines in violent crime.
Between 2018 and 2021, state incarceration rates went down by an average of 19 percent, and incarceration for supervision violations rates declined an average of 27 percent. Some policymakers have questioned whether these decreases had an impact on public safety.
This question is difficult to answer conclusively, but there is little evidence that declining prison populations negatively impact public safety.8
Over the same time when incarceration rates decreased dramatically, including for people admitted for supervision violations, violent crime remained at approximately the same level (the 2018 US violent crime rate was 1850 per 10,000, and the 2021 US violent crime rate was 1857). There was no significant relationship between changes in the number of people incarcerated for supervision violations and changes in the violent crime rate at the state level.
Changes in Community Supervision Incarceration Rates and Violent Crime Rates by State, 2018 to 2021
6. In 20 states, racial disparities in parole revocation rates exacerbated overall disparities between White and Black Americans found in the justice system.
Although criminal justice system disparities have been reduced over the past two decades, large disparities remain.10 There is evidence of racial disparities at just about every point in the criminal justice system, from who is arrested and prosecuted, to how long people remain incarcerated, to who is recidivating. The size of the disparity changes at different points in the system and varies by state but exists at every stage. Untangling the data to determine at which point in the system disparities are occurring or made worse is a necessary step for any state looking to develop a plan to address them.
The CSG Justice Center’s new analysis from 2020 data11 suggests that, when looking at the data nationally, parole revocations are one point in the system when the disparities lessen (see chart below). The decrease in disparity at this point in the system is the result of several states where Black adults have their parole revoked at a lower rate than White adults.
Disparities between White and Black Populations in the U.S. Begin Prior to Criminal Justice System Contact and Persist across All Stages of the System
This chart shows the disparities between Black adults and White adults across the criminal justice system. The higher the rate, the greater the difference between Black adults and White adults. The rates shown are relative rate ratios (also known as relative rate index) and calculated by dividing the rate for Black adults by the rate for White adults.
For more information, see Methodology.
However, there is wide variation from state to state and not enough data from others to analyze. Eighteen states in 2020 did not exhibit disparities in revocation rates that disadvantage Black people once they are on parole. But 20 states increased the disparities, and in 11 states, Black people were reincarcerated from parole at over a 20 percent higher rate.
The map below provides the disparities in parole revocations by state between White and Black populations, with the percentage indicating the difference in revocation rates. Positive values indicate how much higher the revocation rate is for Black people compared to White people. Negative values represent how much lower the revocation rate is for Black people on parole. For example, a state with a 25 percent disparity means that Black people are 25 percent more likely to have their parole revoked.
Racial Disparities between Black and White Americans in Parole Revocation by State
State-By-State Analysis
For a deeper analysis of each state’s data, including their supervision violation admissions and population from 2018 to 2021 and information about racial and ethnic disparities, visit the STATE DASHBOARD section.
Methodology
The CSG Justice Center analyzed data provided by departments of corrections from 49 states to estimate the impact community supervision has on the prison system and the cost of incarcerating people on community supervision, both at the state and national levels. Annual cost estimates were then calculated by multiplying the daily population by the average daily cost by 365 days. These data included fixed and variable expenses such as maintenance, staffing, food, supplies, and health care services. It’s important to note that reductions in prison populations and recidivism may not necessarily translate into immediate savings or reinvestment opportunities due to fixed expenditures such as capital assets and staffing costs, which take time to adjust. However, over time, long-term expenditures related to staffing and decisions to close unnecessary units can increase the amount of savings for each state. Data from the National Corrections Reporting Program was used to estimate disparities within each state.
For more information on this report’s methodology, visit METHODOLOGY.
Endnotes
1 John H. Boman, and Owen Gallupe, “Has COVID-19 Changed Crime? Crime Rates in the United States During the Pandemic,” American Journal of Criminal Justice 45 (2020): 537–545.
2 J Saunders et al., “A Hidden Cost of Convenience: Disparate Impacts of a Program to Reduce Burden on Probation Officers and Participants,” Criminology & Public Policy 20, no. 1 (2021): 71–122.
3 Craig SJ Schwalbe and Deborah Koetzle, “What the COVID-19 Pandemic Teaches about the Essential Practices of Community Corrections and Supervision,” Criminal Justice and Behavior 48, no. 9 (2021): 1300–1316; Kathleen Powell, Jordan M. Hyatt, and Nathan W. Link, “Implementing Reforms in Community Corrections: Lessons Learned During the COVID-19 Pandemic,” Crime & Delinquency 68, no. 8 (2022): 1223–1246, https://www.prisonpolicy.org/virus/virusresponse.html.
4 Thomas H. Cohen and Vanessa L. Starr, “Survey of US Probation and Pretrial Services Agencies’ Adaptations to COVID-19,” Fed. Probation 85 (2021): 14.
5 Jake Horowitz and Connie Utada, “States are Prioritizing Community Supervision Reform: Nearly Two Dozen States Enacted Legislation to Improve Probation and Parole in 2021,” Pew Trusts, February 16, 2022, accessed July 12, 2023, https://www.pewtrusts.org/en/research-and-analysis/articles/2022/02/16/states-are-prioritizing-community-supervision-reform.
6 Jill Viglione, Jennifer H. Peck, and Joanna D. Frazier, “COVID-19 and Courts: An Exploration of the Impacts of the Pandemic on Case Processing and Operations,” Victims & Offenders (2022): 1–24.
7 Prison Policy Initiative, The Most Significant Criminal Justice Policy Changes from the COVID-19 Pandemic (Easthampton, MA: Prison Policy Initiative), https://www.prisonpolicy.org/virus/virusresponse.html.
8 Charis E. Kubrin and Bradley J. Bartos, “Can We Downsize Our Prisons and Jails Without Compromising Public Safety? Findings from California’s Prop 47,” Criminology & Public Policy 17, no. 3 (2018): 693–715; Steven D. Levitt, “Understanding Why Crime Fell in the 1990s: Four Factors that Explain the Decline and Six that Do Not,” Journal of Economic perspectives 18, no. 1 (2004): 163–190; Franklin E. Zimring, The Great American Crime Decline (USA: Oxford University Press, 2006).
9 State-level crime data for 2021 come from the FBI’s National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) state estimation program. Crime data for 2021 are included in these pages for states in which law enforcement agencies covering at least 90 percent of the population reported NIBRS data. Serious violent crime = homicide, aggravated assault, robbery, and rape.
10 William J. Sabol and Thaddeus L. Johnson, Justice System Disparities: Black-White National Imprisonment Trends, 2000 to 2020 (Washington, DC: Council on Criminal Justice, 2022), https://counciloncj.foleon.com/reports/racial-disparities/national-trends.
11 Data analysis was conducted using information from the National Corrections Reporting Program and the National Prisoner Statistics Program. See “National Corrections Reporting Program (NCRP),” Bureau of Justice Statistics, accessed July 12, 2023, https://bjs.ojp.gov/data-collection/national-corrections-reporting-program-ncrp; “National Prisoner Statistics (NPS) Program,” Bureau of Justice Statistics, accessed July 12, 2023, https://bjs.ojp.gov/data-collection/national-prisoner-statistics-nps-program.